From its origins Anarchism is characterized by its argument (real or unfounded) against Marx. However, the time and founded criticism has been able to iron some respects, while it clarifies others, going beyond mere superficial propaganda. This results in the general framework of the socialist camp, which enters differences Marxian thought and the current libertarian are not absolute. There are two completely opposite views of two unrelated fields, but two moments that express different situations of social movements that they embody. This is confirmed when we assume that these same ideological expressions are not homogeneous in its interior.
On the other hand, neither can ignore the fateful path of Marxism as an ideological expression of a social class: the bureaucracy, which sought to dominate, with varying degrees of success, the many manifestations of popular movement worldwide. If however, a critical perspective it is not difficult to delineate a significant difference between Marx and Marxism, a difference that we must make clear that ideologies are not derivations of a dogma, but are concrete expressions of historical situations, are how classes to try to resolve its contradictions, is a field of struggle. Therefore, it is as illusory as vain to try to link in a linear and mechanical Marxism Marx and he is so delusional and vain link Bakunin mechanically and linear with anarchism. The pure history of ideas is empty if not linked to its historical moment.
is why, in the context of this critical distance, we wanted to pay this small tribute to even think that, although many would bother, it remains crucial to understanding the internal logic of capitalist society.
then published an extract from the website of the CICA, which includes text notes in preparation for the "Civil War in France", the text-to many-more libertarian Marx and caused much controversy among the anarchists the time.
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The Paris Commune and the abolition of State
Excerpts from the draft Civil War in France
The centralized state
"The centralized state machinery, with its ubiquitous and complicated military bodies , bureaucratic, clerical, judicial, civil society squeezes live like a boa constrictor, was first forged in the days of absolute monarchy as a weapon of the emerging modern society in their struggle for emancipation from feudalism. Manorial privileges of the lords, cities and medieval clergy were transformed into the attributes of a unitary state power, displacing the feudal dignitaries and officials of the State employees, transferring weapons of medieval guards of landlords and corporate citizens of the city to a standing army, replacing the grid (with party colors) anarchy of conflicting medieval powers plan regulated by the state power, with a systematic and hierarchic division of work. (...)
This parasite
parasite
But the state received only the latest development in the Second Empire. Governmental power, with its standing army, the bureaucracy that runs everything, his clergy embobecedor (stultifying) and its servile judicial hierarchy, had become as independent of society as a grotesquely mediocre adventure with a hungry band of bandits behind own, enough to handle it. "
Physiognomy and character of state power
"His political change simultaneously with the economic changes of society. In step with the progress of the industry developed, widened and intensified the class antagonism between capital and labor, governmental power increasingly assumed the character of national power of capital over labor, of an organized political force to strengthen slavery office, a mere ingenuity of class despotism. "
" ... In the same degree that the economic progress of modern society swelled the ranks of the working class, accumulating their miseries, organized and developed resistance trends to emancipation, in short, that the modern class struggle, the struggle between labor and capital, took shape and form, "[in the same grade] physiognomy and character of state power suffered a noticeable change. Had always been able to maintain order, ie the existing order of society and, therefore, the subordination and exploitation of the productive class by appropriating class. But while this order was accepted as an indisputable and uncontested need the power of the state could assume an aspect of fairness. Maintaining the existing subordination of the masses, it was the unalterable order of things and a social fact that it was not subject to competition of the masses, carried by his "natural superiors" without order.
With input from society itself into a new phase, the phase of class struggle, the nature of the security forces organized state power, could not help but change as well (have also a marked change) and develops each again its despotism as an instrument of class, political wit by force perpetuates social enslavement of the producers of wealth for its appropriators, [instrument] of the economic domination of capital over labor. "
'On the heels of every popular revolution, marking a new stage in the progressive up (development) (the course) of the class struggle (class struggle), the repressive nature of state power becomes more ruthless and more stripped of disguise. "
" After every popular revolution, which resulted in the transfer of management of the state machine of a group of the ruling class to another, the repressive nature of state power is more fully developed and was used more relentlessly, because the promises made, and apparently secured by the Revolution could only be broken by the use of force. In addition, the change by successive revolutions only politically sanctioned the fact social, the growing power of capital, and therefore transferred the state power more and more directly into the hands of direct antagonists of the working class. "
The conquest of power by the proletariat and the Commune
"But the proletariat can not, as the ruling classes and their various rival factions have done in the hours following their win, simply take possession of the body of existing state and manage the instrument and made for his own purpose. The first condition for the possession of political power, is to transform [the] operating machinery and destroy "an instrument of class domination. This huge machine government, like a boa constrictor squeezing the real social body in the ubiquitous network a standing army, a hierarchical bureaucracy, police obedient, clergy and a subservient judiciary, was first forged in the days of absolute monarchy as a weapon nascent middle class society in their struggle for emancipation from feudalism. The first French Revolution, with its task to give full scope to the free development of the modern middle class had to sweep all local strengths, territorial, municipal and provincial feudalism, paved the social base for the superstructure of state power centralized, with branched ubiquitous organs as the plan for a systematic and hierarchic division of labor.
But the working class can not simply lay hold of ready-made state machinery and manage for their own purpose. The policy instrument of slavery can not serve as the political tool of empowerment. "
" The very antithesis of Empire itself-that is, state power, the central executive of the Second Empire was exhausting just the formula - was the Commune. This state power is, in fact, the creation of the middle class, first as a means to overthrow feudalism, then as a means to crush the emancipatory aspirations of producers de la clase obrera. Todas las reacciones y todas las revoluciones sólo habían servido para transferir ese poder organizado -esa fuerza organizada de la esclavitud del trabajo- de unas manos a otras, de una fracción de las clases dominantes a la otra. Había servido a las clases dominantes como medio de subyugación y de vil enriquecimiento. Había absorbido nuevas fuerzas de cada nuevo cambio. Había servido como instrumento para echar abajo cualquier levantamiento popular y sirvió para aplastar a las clases trabajadoras después de que hubieran luchado y fuese ordenado asegurar su transferencia de una parte de sus opresores a los otros.
Ésta no era, por tanto, una revolución contra esta o esa forma legitimada, constitucional, Republican or imperial state power. It was a revolution against the State itself, this naturalistic abortion of society, a resumption by the people and for the people of his own social life. It was a revolution for transfer of a fraction of the ruling class to another, but a revolution to overthrow the same horrid machinery of class domination. It was one of those dwarf struggles between executive and parliamentary forms of class domination, but a revolt against both, integrating with each other, and that the parliamentary form was misleading only work between hours of the Executive. The Second Empire was the final form of this usurpation of the state. The Commune was its denial defined, and therefore the initiation of the Social Revolution of the nineteenth century. Whatever, therefore, his arrival at Paris, le tour du monde would *. It was immediately acclaimed by the working class of Europe and the United States as the magic word for liberation. The glories and achievements of the conqueror antediluvian Prussian seemed just hallucinations of a past left behind.
was only the working class that might be made by the word "Commune", and start by fighting the Paris Commune, this new aspiration.
(...) Only the proletarians, powered by a new social task to fulfill for them [same] for society, abolish all classes and class rule, were the men responsible for breaking the instrument of ruling class, the state, organized, centralized government power that usurps be the master instead of servant of society . (...) Because of them was destroyed, not as a peculiar form of government power (centralized), but as its most powerful expression, made in apparent independence of society and therefore also its reality prostitute, cover up and down the infamy, having settled in absolute corruption at home and in abroad are totally ineffective.
But this same form of domination class had only been knocked to the executive, the state government machinery, the great and only object of attack for the revolution.
parliamentarism in France had come to an end. His last term and full power over parliamentary republic was the May 1848 coup d'état up .** The Empire that killed her was her own creation. Under the Empire, with its legislative body and the Senate-in this form had been reproduced in the military monarchies of Prussia and Austria had been a mere farce, a mere work between hours of despotism in its most raw. Parliamentarism was then killed in France and the revolution workers certainly would not wake up from this death. "
" The Commune, the reabsorption of state power by society as its own living forces instead of as forces that controlled and subjugated by the masses themselves, forming their own strength instead of the organized force of their oppression-[is] the political form of social emancipation, instead of the artificial force (appropriated by their oppressors, their own force opposed to them and organized against them) of society managed by their enemies to their oppression. The form was simple, like all great things. The reaction of the previous revolutions, the time required for all historical developments, and in the past always lost in all revolutions around the same time people's victory, when I want [people] had surrendered their arms victorious, to be turned against himself [to be faced] first by moving the Army National Guard .2
worker self-government and state functions
"It's an absurdity to say that the core functions, no government authority over the people, but necessary for the general and common needs of the country, would become impossible. These functions exist, but the officials themselves could not, as in the old government machinery, lift themselves above society real, because the functions would be performed by community actors and, therefore, always under real control. Public functions would cease to be private property conferred by the central government to their tools. "
" [It dissipates] the illusion that the administration and political governance were mysteries, transcendental functions to be entrusted solely to the hands of a trained caste-state parasites, sycophants and richly paid sinecure in the highest positions, to absorb the intelligence of the masses and turning them against themselves, to near the bottom of the hierarchy. Abolishing the State hierarchy altogether and replacing the arrogant masters of the people always revocable servers, a fake (mock) accountability for effective accountability (real), while continuously work under public supervision. Paid as skilled workers, 12 pounds a month, not to exceed the highest salary of 240 pounds a year, a salary of just over 1 / 5, as a great scientific authority, Professor Huxley, for an employee to meet board Metropolitan School.
whole farce of the mysteries of the State and the State claims was suppressed by a commune, which consisted largely of ordinary workers, organizing the defense of Paris, carrying the war against the praetorian Bonaparte, ensuring the provision of this huge city, covering all the posts until now divided between the government and the prefectural police, making their work publicly, just under the most difficult and complicated, and so, as Milton did his Paradise Lost, by a few pounds, acting at the bright light of day, with no pretensions to infallibility, not hiding behind circumlocution offices, not ashamed to admit the blunders (blunders) correcting them. By order of the public service, military, administrative, political, features real workers, rather than hidden attributes of a specialized caste; (Maintaining order in the turbulence of civil war and revolution) (starting general recovery measures). What
wants the merits were the only measures of the Commune, the greater was his own organization, improvised with the foreign enemy through a door and the class enemy on the other, proving its vitality for life, confirming his thesis for his action. His appearance was a victory over the conquerors of France. The Paris captive by a bold spring resumed the leadership of Europe, not relying on brute force, but by taking the direction of social movement, embodying the aspirations of the working class in all countries.
With all the great cities organized into communes along the lines of Paris, no government can suppress the movement by the shock of a sudden reaction. Even for this preparatory step, the incubation time, the security of the movement, arrived. All of France [would] be organized into communes self-administered (self-working) and self-governing, the standing army replaced by the militia, the army of parasites removed from the State, clerical displaced by the schoolmaster, the court of the State become community bodies, the vote for national representation is not a matter of sleight of hand to a government powerful, but the deliberate expression of organized communities, the state's functions reduced to a few functions for general national purposes.
Such is the Commune, the political form of social emancipation, liberation of the work of the encroachments (possession of slaves) of the monopolists of the means of work, created by the workers themselves or is the gift of nature3- . As the machinery of state and parliamentarism are not the real life of the ruling classes, but only general bodies organized for your domain, collateral policies, forms and expressions of the old order of things, so the community is not the social movement class working and, therefore, a general regeneration of mankind, but organized media action.
The Commune abolishes the class struggle, through which the working classes strive for the abolition of all classes and, therefore, [the domination of class] of all kinds (because it represents an interest particular, represents the release of "work", which is the natural and fundamental condition of individual and social life only by counterfeiting, fraud and artificial inventions can be moved from the minority over the majority), but it offers rational medium that class struggle can go their different phases of more rational and humane. She could start as backlash and violent revolutions. Start the emancipation of labor-the great goal-suppressing unproductive and harmful (mischievous) of the parasites of the State, first cutting the sources who sacrifice a huge portion of national product for the food of the monster of the State, on the other , doing the real work of government, local and national wage workers. Begin, therefore, with immense savings, and economic reform with political transformation.
community organization with a firmly established on a national scale, disasters could still be having to suffer sporadic insurrections of slaves, which, while that for a moment interrupted the work of peaceful progress, but accelerate the movement, putting the sword in the hands of the social revolution.
The working class knows they have to go through different stages of class struggle. They know that changing economic conditions of the slavery of work by the conditions of free and associated labor can only be progressive work time (this economic transformation), which not only require a change in distribution, but a new organization production, or rather the release social forms of production of this work organized (engendered by this industry), the plots of slavery, its present character class, and harmonious national and international coordination. They know that this work of regeneration is again and again slowed and impeded by the resistance of vested interests and class selfishness. They know that this "spontaneous action of the natural laws of capital and land" can only be replaced by "the spontaneous action of the laws of social economy of free and associated labor", through a long process development of new conditions, as they were the "spontaneous action of economic laws of slavery" and "spontaneous action of economic laws of servitude." But they know, at the same time, great strides can be followed through the communal form of political organization and that it is time to start this movement for themselves and for humanity. "
" The aspirations of the proletariat the material basis of its motion, is organized labor on a large scale, but now organized badly, and media production centers, but now centralized in the hands of the monopolist, not only as means of production but as means of exploitation and enslavement of producteur .* What the proletariat needs to do is transform this capitalist character of that organized labor and working the media centralized transform means of class domination and class exploitation in the form of free labor partner and social means of production. "
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